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Pandora and Spotify Rake in the Money and Then Send It Off in Royalties

By BEN SISARIO

If you have read anything about digital music recently, you have probably encountered two names over and over: Spotify and Pandora. Both offer an abundance of free listening on easy-to-use interfaces, and music fans have embraced them. At least 33 million people have tried Spotify, more than 150 million have registered for Pandora.

Those are extraordinary numbers for any online service. But even at their level of scale and hype - and despite having very different business models - Spotify and Pandora exemplify the business challenges for digital-music companies. Both are losing money, and for largely the same reason: the cost of music royalties.

Pandora, which went public last summer, has never had a profitable year, and in its most recently reported quarter lost $20 million on $81 million in revenue. (Its next earnings announcement is Wednesday.) Spotify's accounts for the last year, recently filed in Luxembourg, show t hat it lost $57 million in 2011, despite a big increase in revenue, to $236 million.

The companies license music differently, but both wind up paying a majority of their revenue to music companies. Pandora does not negotiate with record labels to use their songs. Instead, it operates under the compulsory licensing provision of federal copyright law, which allows it to use any song - with some restrictions - and sets royalty rates by federal statute.

For its revenue, Pandora, which has free and paid tiers, relies almost entirely on advertising. Yet it has been unable to sell enough advertising to offset its royalty costs. Last year, Pandora paid $149 million, or 54 percent of its revenue, for “content acquisition,” otherwise known as royalties. No wonder the company has been active in Washington lately to try to push for lower rates.

Spotify, on the other hand, made 83 percent of its revenue from subscriptions, according to the filings in Luxembourg, whe re its parent company, Spotify Technology, is incorporated. Now available in 15 countries, Spotify had a total of 32.8 million registered users by the end of last year. Recently it reported that 15 million people log on at least once a month, and four million pay the subscription rate of about $5 to $10 a month.

Spotify negotiates with record companies and music publishers directly, a process that can be arduous and costly - discussions with labels delayed its arrival in the United States by nearly two years. That means that its royalty rates vary from label to label, and are private: Spotify has never said how much it pays labels for its streams, although the Internet is full of people who have done back-of-the-envelope calculations based on stray royalty statements.

Spotify's chief executive, Daniel Ek, has said that the company had paid in its history about 70 percent of its income “back to the industry.” But a closer look at its recent financial statements shows that the ratio may be even higher. Last year its “cost of sales,” which includes licensing fees and distribution expenses, was $229 million, or 97 percent of revenue.

On top of that it had more than $30 million in salaries, and more than $30 million for various other expenses. That is how you lose $57 million on $236 million in revenue.

It's possible that Spotify's licensing costs could go down in the future, as record labels monitor its progress; they could decide to make changes to ensure that Spotify thrives and can keep sending over its royalty checks.

For the moment, however, Spotify's investors are shouldering its losses, and music is still expensive. The company's annual report notes that the “future minimum royalties payable” for 2012 stood at $151 million.

With artists and labels hit hard by declining sales over the last decade, it's hard to argue for lower royalty rates. But the graveyard of fail ed digital services, and the financial struggles of Pandora and Spotify show that the music industry hasn't yet figured out the balance between licensing costs and how much money a digital service can make.

Ben Sisario writes about the music industry. Follow @sisario on Twitter.



Owner of Shangri-La Hotel Tries to Make Amends With Jewish Groups

By MICHAEL CIEPLY

LOS ANGELES - Tehmina Adaya, owner of the Hotel Shangri-La in the beach town of Santa Monica, Calif., announced on Friday some measures meant to repair her standing among Jews in the wake of a jury decision last week that found she had violated the civil rights of members of a Jewish group she tried to evict from her hotel in 2010.

Ms. Adaya said she was donating $3,600 each to the Koby Mandell Foundation, which aids families of terror victims in remembrance of 13-year-old Israeli who was killed by terrorists, and to the Zahal Disabled Veterans Organization, which assists disabled Israeli veterans.

She also extended an invitation to “leaders of the Jewish and pro-Israel community” to attend a private event to be hosted by the Shangri-La in cooperation with the Zionist Organization of America within the next 12 months.

In a statement, Ms. Adaya said she condemned anti-Semitism, welcomed diversity and never ma de disparaging remarks about those who attended the 2010 event, which was sponsored by the Friends of the Israeli Defense Forces.

Allegations that she had spoken offensively, she said, were based on “false information from a disgruntled former employee.”

Jurors in the Santa Monica division of the Los Angeles County Superior Court ordered that Ms. Adaya and the hotel pay more than $1.6 million in compensatory and punitive damages. (The awards were made in varying amounts to a group of plaintiffs that included 18 individuals and an events company, Platinum Events, which had worked with the hotel to set up the event.)

In her statement on Friday, Ms. Adaya said she planned to appeal the jury decision.

Michael Cieply covers the film industry from the Los Angeles bureau.



Auto Insurance, Scaredy-Cats and the Rollers of the Dice

By RON LIEBER

In this weekend's Your Money column, I try to lay out the facts and odds that lay behind the question of whether any of us have enough auto insurance. Some people look at the long odds of a bad wreck and buy the minimum amount that their state requires. Others buy as much as they can, figuring that it's better to be safe than to be sorry.

So to the rollers of the dice, who have bought little insurance over the decades and have bet that they wouldn't ever be facing down a large claim, I ask this: Have you ever regretted that choice? Do you still feel comfortable with it?

As for the risk-averse, will you be upset decades from now if you've shelled out all of that extra money for premiums and never once made a claim or been subject to one?

In other words, what's the right way to think about these questions - and how do (and should) our feelings affect our efforts to reckon with the odds?



Your Experience With Small-Time Private Equity Investments

By RON LIEBER

In this weekend's Wealth Matters column, Paul Sullivan chronicles the experience of private equity investors with less money and expertise than the Mitt Romneys of the world. An increasing number are getting in the game, frustrated with low returns in other investment arenas.

But making direct investments in companies can be a long slog and require a lot of work. Will the former bankers in the column find success in the beauty industry? What sort of luck have you had with smaller private equity investments? Or would you never go near this type of investing?



U.S. Special Operations Commander Cautions Against Exploiting \'Celebrity\' Status

By THE EDITORS

The news that Penguin would publish on Sept. 11 a book by a former member of the Navy SEALs team that killed Osama bin Laden has stirred an intense amount of interest - about what details will be revealed about the raid, but also about the protocol governing the release of information on military operations.

Penguin has said that the material in the book, “No Easy Day: The Firsthand Account of the Mission That Killed Osama bin Laden,” is not classified. A Pentagon spokesman said Thursday that the information had not been submitted for review by the Department of Defense and that it should have been. The book is appearing under a pseudonym, Mark Owen, who has since been identified as Matt Bissonnette, a 36-year-old originally from Alaska.

In another example of former members of Special Operations of trying to drive the news, the group Special Operations Opsec Education Fund began a campaign that includes the productio n of a 22-minute video called “Dishonorable Disclosures,” which accuses President Obama of recklessly leaking information about the raid that killed Bin Laden and other security matters to gain political advantage. (The group, which includes former C.I.A. officers and former Special Operations members describes itself as nonpartisan, but some of its leaders have been involved in Republican campaigns and Tea Party groups.)

With those two cases seemingly in mind, the head of the Unites States military's Special Operations Command, Adm. William McRaven, sent out an e-mail to the command and special operators around the world, with his thoughts on the issue of nondisclosure and vetting requirements. It contains criticism of how the author handled the issue, as well as his own ruminations on the nature of public descriptions of military actions and political action by former members of Special Operations. That memo appears below.

The Memo From Admiral McRaven

As the commander of the United States Special Operations Command, I am becoming increasingly concerned about how former members of the Special Operations community are using their “celebrity” status to advance their personal or professional agendas.

While as retired or former service members, they are well within their rights to advocate for certain causes or write books about their adventures, it is disappointing when these actions either try to represent the broader S.O.F. community, or expose sensitive information that could threaten the lives of their fellow warriors.

Few senior S.O.F. officers have benefited more from reading about the exploits of our legendary heroes than I. My thesis at the Naval Postgraduate School was based on a rigorous examination of the available literature, without which I could never have written my book on “The Theory of Special Operations.”

Most of these books were wonderful accounts of courage, leadership, tough decision making, and martial skill all of which benefited me as I tried to understand of our past and how it could affect missions in the future.

Movies that portray the heroics of service members are also well worth watching and often provide the public insights into life in special operations or the service that can't be garnered anywhere else.

Personally, I was motivated to join Special Operations after watching the movie, “The Green Berets,” starring John Wayne. To this day my Army brethren still wonder where I went wrong …

Countless stories have been told through the medium of film that needed to be told and I am thankful that they were.

However, there is, in my opinion, a distinct line between recounting a story for the purposes of education or entertainment and telling a story that exposes sensitive activities just to garner greater readership and personal profit.

Every member of the Special Operations community with a security clearance signed a nondisclosure agreement that was binding during and after service in the military. If the U.S. Special Operations Command finds that an active duty, retired or former service member violated that agreement and that exposure of information was detrimental to the safety of U.S. forces, then we will pursue every option available to hold members accountable, including criminal prosecution where appropriate.

As current or former members of our special operations community, authors have a moral obligation, and a legal duty, to submit their works for prepublication security review. We are fully prepared to work with any author who is looking to tell his story and wants a straightforward assessment of the potential security impacts of their work.

I am also concerned about the growing trend of using the special operations “brand,” our seal, symbols and unit names, as part of any political or special interest campaign. Let me be completely clear on this issue: U.S.S.O.C.O.M. does not endorse any political viewpoint, opinion or special interest.

I encourage, strongly encourage active participation in our political process by both active duty S.O.F. personnel, where it is appropriate under the ethics rules and retired members of the S.O.F. community.

However, when a group brands itself as Special Operations for the purpose of pushing a specific agenda, then they have misrepresented the entire nature of S.O.F. and life in the military.

Our promise to the American people is that we, the military, are nonpartisan, apolitical and will serve the president of the United States regardless of his political party. By attaching a Special Operation's moniker or a unit or service name to a political agenda, those individuals have now violated the most basic of our military principles.

As private citizens, they should voice their concerns from the highest hilltop, but as former Specia l Operations warriors, when they claim to represent a broader S.O.F. constituency, they do a disservice to all of their S.O.F. teammates who serve quietly and respectfully in support of this great nation.

Our reputation with the American people is as high as it has ever been. The sacrifices of our men and women down range have earned us that respect. Let us not diminish that respect by using our service in special operations to benefit a few at the expense of the many.



Friday Reading: Is Private School Not Expensive Enough?

By ANN CARRNS

A variety of consumer-focused articles appears daily in The New York Times and on our blogs. Each weekday morning, we gather them together here so you can quickly scan the news that could hit you in your wallet.



The Breakfast Meeting: Managing Campaign Coverage, and Elisabeth Murdoch Steps Out

By NOAM COHEN

The Romney campaign is planning to change the order of events at the Republican National Convention to maximize media coverage, Jeff Zeleny writes. Noting that the television networks won't be covering the convention on Monday - the first of its four days - the campaign said it would hold the more tedious nomination roll call then, instead of in its traditional spot two days later. The plan is to have Mitt Romney go “over the top” and become the nominee in time for the networks' nightly news.

  • Some things, however, including the possible arrival of Tropical Storm Isaac at Tampa next week along with the conventioneers, defy even the most tidy of plans. Organizers are keeping their fingers crossed, thinking that storm either is likely to take a path away from the city or will break up before getting there, Lizette Alvarez writes.
  • The tightly controlled message of the Mitt Romney-Paul Ryan ticket means tha t atmosphere on the plane carrying Mr. Ryan and the press corps is friendly but with a chill, Trip Gabriel writes. Mr. Ryan is inclined to make kind gestures to reporters who cover his campaign, while not answering their questions. Mr. Gabriel writes: “When Mr. Ryan walked to the back of his plane Thursday night, on a flight between Missouri and Michigan, he was set upon by reporters so hungry for access that video cameras and tape recorders were thrust in his face.”
  • Mr. Romney was called out by a television reporter, Shaun Boyd, of the CBS-owned station in Denver, who was among four local reporters who were given five minutes each with the candidate, Brian Stelter reported. There was a condition for getting the interview, Ms. Boyd told viewers: “The one stipulation to the interview was that I not ask him about abortion or Todd Akin,” the Republican Senate candidate who has stirred controversy for his comments about “legitimate rape.” A Romney ca mpaign spokeswoman said, “This is not how we operate. The matter is being addressed.”

Facebook is transforming itself into a “mobile first” company, Brian X. Chen writes after visiting the company's headquarters in Menlo Park, Calif., a shift that is being felt in how engineers are assigned and what gets priority in development. On Thursday, the company replaced the sluggish apps for the iPhone and iPad with ones that work much quicker because they were programmed specifically for Apple. Becoming better at mobile won't solve the riddle of how best to sell advertising on the smaller screens of mobile devices, but the company is optimistic about using “sponsored stories” that distribute a user's endorsements to Facebook friends as ads.

The Sun, the tabloid owned by Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation, on Friday became the first British newspaper to ignore warnings by royal officials and publish photographs of a naked Prince Harry taken at a Las Vega s hotel suite. The images, which were originally published by the gossip Web site TMZ, have traveled around the world but had remained off of British news sites. The Sun used its own front page to downplay the significance of the decision, running a subheadline (under the main headline of Heir It Is) that is the opposite of the typical Exclusive!: “Pic of naked Harry you've already seen on the Internet.”

The timing forced Elisabeth Murdoch, a daughter of Rupert's, to defend the tabloid's decision on the same day she gave a high-minded lecture on the duties of media companies â€" or, as she put it, “We would all do well to remember Voltaire's - or even Spider-man's - caution that ‘With great power comes great responsibility.' ” As for The Sun's decision, she said she “felt bad” for the prince, according to The Telegraph, but added, “It would be very sad if we lived in a world where you can't publish that.”

  • Ms. Murdoch's talk, the James MacTa ggart Memorial Lecture at the Edinburgh Television festival, was widely seen as staking out a different vision for News Corporation, which bought her TV production company, Shine, for $674 million in 2011. The lecture was notable for taking on her brother James directly, noting that his MacTaggart lecture three years earlier had presented a skewed vision of media and society by only looking at market considerations: “James was right that if you remove profit, then independence is massively challenged but I think that he left something out: the reason his statement sat so uncomfortably is that profit without purpose is a recipe for disaster.”
  • Media writers in Britain described the speech, which included a brief discussion of the failing corporate culture that led to phone-hacking, as an attempt by Ms. Murdoch to play a prominent role in News Corporation.